My latest column over at CivilBeat.com is a retrospective on the state judiciary scandal of the mid-1980s (“Ian Lind: Illegal Lobbying Machine Was Hidden in Plain Sight”).
While going through more files last week, I noted that it’s been 30 years since the public scandal was triggered by a report I wrote while working as state director of Common Cause. And I found a file or two of my original notes made while I was investigating the issue.
To appreciate what was going on, you really have to get a sense of the scope of the interlocking parts of this system of lobbying, patronage, and political action coordinated through Tom “Fat Boy” Okuda, the deputy administrative director of the state courts who, through sheer audacity, appropriated the additional title of “High Sheriff” or “Chief Sheriff,” under which he extended his control to the state sheriffs office (before it was moved over into the Department of Public Safety).
First there was lobbying, aided by the ability to drop off snacks and food at legislative offices, in true local lobbying style. But Okuda, relying on an organization of judiciary employees that operated under the name of Hui O’Kokua, and, later, Employees for Good Government Service, could deliver not just pastries or manapua for an office, but full meals for a committee and its staff.
And feeding the key committees that processed the judiciary’s budget, the House and Senate judiciary and money committees, was one way Okuda planted obligations with legislators. During crunch times of the session, for example while the budget conference was meeting, daily head counts would be reported to EGGS and meals would appear for members and staff who were working late. It was, by most accounts, a daily affair during these periods.
The meals weren’t fancy, just typical plate lunch fare. Stew, perhaps chicken, rice, salad. Sometimes the meals were reportedly donated by plate lunch restaurants eager to do a favor to someone in Tom Okuda’s position.
And, taking the same tools a bit further, Okuda and EGGS offered the same food services for legislative fundraisers. In fact, court “volunteers” would be available on request to help plan fundraisers and the necessary logistics, cook and deliver food to the fundraiser, as well as to tend the bar and do other necessary tasks.
My count during the 1985 legislative session was that Okuda and EGGS had worked on the fundraisers of at least 17 legislators. I was unable to estimate how many meals had been served.
And that wasn’t the end of it. Those same court “volunteers” could be turned out to wave signs, canvass neighborhoods door-to-door with campaign materials, or send out “friend-to-friend” postcards with personal candidate endorsements.
And where did the volunteers come from to prepare the food and work at the fundraisers? Court supervisors were organized by Okuda to get their staff to participate through subtle and not-so-subtle inducements and threats. Sign-up sheets for EGGS activities were circulated through various court offices, raffles were held to raise money, and other funds for the political work were raised through food stands at Honolulu Stadium and at the state Farm Fair. By coincidence, Okuda held one of those coveted spots on the Stadium Authority.
Okuda had other resources at his disposal as he curried favor with legislative leaders and other elected officials, including governor. He gave sheriff’s badges to favored legislators, which reportedly gave them the right to carry a firearm, as well as free parking at state airports and other facilities.
And then there was the fixing of traffic tickets for legislators, friends, businesses, Democratic Party activists, and on and on. Got a ticket? Ask Tom for help. Thousands of tickets disappeared over the years through Okuda’s intervention.
Okuda kept close tabs on what was happening within court offices, keeping his own network of “eyes and ears” feeding information to him. Those who refused to participate were suspect, and many reported being subject to pressure from their supervisors.
On the other hand, Okuda also made use of “emergency hires” to find jobs for friends and relatives of legislators, or to take care of people willing to jump into the political side of things.
Okuda was, I have to admit, the only one in my long experience to indirectly send a job offer my way. It was through one of the more active people in EGGS, who approached me one day after a public meeting we both attended. During a bit of small talk, she inquired about what kind of salary Common Cause paid. It wasn’t much, even by standards of the day. That’s when she offered the possibility of a job in one of the court offices. I was told to approach a certain supervisor and tell them that they would find an as-yet unfilled position that had been funded in the last budget. Apparently no one knew about it, but I was told to ask about it. IT was friendly and circumspect, no mention of any quid pro quo or any expectations in return, just an offer of help. Luckily, I had the good sense to run the other way.
I recall a press conference Common Cause held to discuss the ticket fixing. At one point, I was being caustically questioned by a reporter for one of the big three television stations. “What evidence do you have that any of this ticket fixing was going on?”
I had just recently been told by a former reporter at that station that the station often sent tickets to Okuda to be “taken care of,” and threw that right back at him. “Perhaps you need to ask around at your own station to collect the evidence you need,” I said. The question didn’t come up again.
Looking back, it was really an extraordinary set of circumstances.
And even more extraordinary was the fact that the whole complex system had been built up in plain sight. Political reporters knew about it but had never stopped to really assess it. People who might have grumbled were warned that it might be dangerous. Court employees worried about losing their jobs, legislators were reluctant to bite the hand that fed them, so to speak. The system held together despite the apparent ethics violations and those direct violations of law, like the ticket fixing thing.
I guess its a warning. Sometimes the real corruption is so ubiquitous that we don’t see it. We’re too close to the trees to focus on the forest. That’s was, I think, the case with Fat Boy and the court’s politicking.
In any case, don’t rely on my memory. If you’re interested in this history, check out the report of the special “blue ribbon” panel appointed by then-Chief Justice Herman Lum, and the separate report of the independent consultants they solicited. And if you’re interested in the reporting at the time, check out the news clippings from 1985 and 1986 that I collected while with Common Cause.
Meanwhile, I’ll keep looking for a copy of the original report on the issue that I wrote for Common Cause.
Also see:
“Death of former Chief Justice prompts recollections of recent political history“, 2/5/2009.
“Richardson-era court authorized improper lobbying and campaign activities, rejected complaints about Bishop Estate appointments,” 7/10/2010 ‘
“Looking back: The investigation into corrupt practices in the Judiciary (1985-1986),” 3/2/2011
“Lowest salaries in the country limit interest in judicial appointments, not public disclosure,” 10/30/2011
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Great article! Couple of typos, though, like “shear” instead of sheer and “managua” instead of manapua.
Damn that auto correct!!
I felt ill reading about such appalling antics. Thanks for your courage.
Not to defend Fat Boy Okuda, but when you have a bunch of politicians who get into office with the attitude that “government should work for their benefit,” combined with a lack of scrutiny by the news media and public watchdogs, the conditions are just ripe for someone working in an administrative capacity to act as a channel between politicians getting their share of the “goodies” from the folks lobbying for various causes and favors. Had Okuda not stepped into the fray, someone else surely would have.
The traffic ticket fixing scheme is indicative of all this. Back then, if someone wanted their citation to be taken care of, all they needed to do was to get the ticket signed by a judge. Send that bugger back in to the District Court. And Okuda’s system (with the knowledge and unofficial blessings of the judges) would eventually screen and fix all such tickets. Politicians, judges, department heads, their family and friends could and did take part in this charade. That was the attitude back then: If you couldn’t get a ticket fixed, then you were a “nobody” in this town.
When the scandal was exposed and the crap hit the fan, Okuda was hung out to dry, as deserved. But so many of his beneficiaries got off scot-free. The highest powers that be at all three branches of govt. knew what was going on and received the benefits/favors that came through the conduit that Okuda set up. All feigned shock and outrage when asked for their reaction to what was happening in the sheriff’s office. Most of them (including then Gov. Waihee and Chief Justice Lum) treated Okuda as a pariah, with the exception of a loyal few (the most notable being Ben Cayetano).
Thanks for all the work you did in increasing transparency in govt. It’s made a huge difference in the never-ending battle to make govt. work for all the people instead of the privleged few.
I barely knew Tom Okuda, but I liked him, and it was solely because of an incident back in the early 60’s.
I had gotten a parking ticket I thought was not only unfair, but it meant a $20 fine which I felt was excessive, especially for someone making $115 a week at the time. So, citation in hand, I marched into the police station on Bethel Street to find someone in authority to whom I could complain.
It turned out to be Fat Boy Okuda himself. He was eating lunch at his desk, but waved me into his office where I launched into my complaint. He listened patiently until I got to the part about the $20 fine being excessive. That’s when he held up his hand and said, “What about five bucks? Would that be OK?” I stammered something and nodded.
He got up, and led me to the counter at the front of the room. There he scribbled something across the bottom of the ticket, signed his name and handed me the carbon copy. He attached my five dollar bill to the original and shoved it into a file folder. Then he wished me a nice day and went back to his lunch.
So, yes, Tom Okuda “fixed” a ticket for me. But it was a fair resolution of a citizen’s complaint and I don’t care what people say…I’ve had a warm spot in my heart for Fat Boy ever since.
Technically, he ripped you off of $5.00.
You call that a favor ?? and I was a Emergency hire and have many stories of the Judiciary.
Addendum to my last message:
Employment with the Judiciary during Fat BOYZ era ??. Lowest pay in the Nation, very True and slavery. I’m glad to have left his employ and do not regret any State Pensions.
Lest we forget. Fat Boy’s traffic ticket fixing favors also changed the outcome of one gubernatorial election. How could anyone who lived during those times forget when Ben Cayetano, who was trailing in the race for governor, surprised his opponent Pat Saiki during a live televised debate with the disclosure that she had a traffic ticket fixed by the Fat Boy?
Thanks for a trip down Memory Lane. I am still reading the old articles – Fearless Frank Fasi and his personality, Bud Smyser v. FFF, and the not-so-good stuff.
Alas, dating myself.
RIP to Goliath!
Hope Patty noticed mention of BEN CAYETANO in the paragraph that talks about those who knew what was going on and received the benefits/favors.
In today’s age, a facebook page where folks post corruption in government would be great. News on the deep corruption in the DOT with the golf and trip from contractors as well as the City Council escapades fancy dinners and trips etc. gets quickly buried. Young people now don’t ever read newspapers. Younger generations prefer instagram and twitter or facebook for the middle generations.
And who would manage the internet site (whether it’s FB or some other platform) to weed out the rumors and outright lies?
Gawker has a staff, no? Yet they published, then apologized and removed their piece after the backlash regarding ethics. But that version is still going to exist on the internet and will be shared (probably w/o the Gawker statement afterwards).
Gawker’s Ethical Misstep In Outing A Condé Nast Executive
http://thinkprogress.org/culture/2015/07/17/3681807/gawkers-ethical-misstep-outing-conde-nast-executive-2/
Taking a post down
http://nick.kinja.com/taking-a-post-down-1718581684
In this town and state, where many feel it is the public’s interest to know everybody else’s business, I just don’t see real value in Don’s suggestion in the absence of some entity with “journalistic integrity.”
Also noting recent misstep by Civil Beat in their publication (which it removed) of an opinion piece by UH law student Zuri Aki.
BLNR Board Member Had No Conflict of Interest in Vote on Mauna Kea Access
http://www.civilbeat.com/2015/07/blnr-board-member-had-no-conflict-of-interest-in-vote-on-mauna-kea-access/
Michael Kahapea is getting out of jail this week. I believe he was serving 50 years from conviction in 2000.
I wanna hear more about Malia Zimmerman’s lawsuit against Senator Sam Slom as published in this week’s Pacific Business News?!
My favorite all time Hawaii Rent-All ‘advertising’ board was at the time of this scandal:
“Rent what you need to fix anything – except tickets!”
Ian, If not for you, we would not know of this example, as well as other examples, of government corruption. Thank you for your decades of work.