Follow the money, they say.
So I took another look at attorneys and law firms who were major contributors to Governor Abercrombie’s campaign last year. Perhaps his stubborn refusal to disclose the list of judicial nominees provided by the Judicial Selection Commission for each open spot is a reflection of the views of significant supporters. I don’t know if that’s the case, but it’s something to consider.
On the other hand, attorney contributors who believe the governor should not ignore OIP’s decision that the list of nominees is a public record might be able to nudge Abercrombie and his inside advisers in the right direction. Just a thought.
I really don’t know which way the influence might go in this case, but perhaps this exercise will suggest some avenues to explore.
In any case, I did a rough review of those campaign contributors who reported their employers, and came up with a short list of law firms who appeared to throw their support to Abercrombie. The contributions in most cases are from individual attorneys in the firms. The numbers are only approximate, because there are many attorneys on the contributors list who did not report where they worked, and so are not included here.
Cronin Fried Sekiya Kekina & Fairbanks
$39,500Kobayashi Sugita & Goda
$25,950Galiher DeRoberts Ono
$24,250Alston Floyd Hunt & Ing
$22,040Imanaka Kudo Fujimoto
$18,750Leavitt Yamane & Soldner
$13,000Davis Levin Livingston
$12,010Park Park & Remillard
$10,750Lubaton Sucharow LLP (New York)
$10,000
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Just a thought: these firms are, almost without exception, plaintiff’s claim (p.i., civil rights, etc.) specialists. They are much less likely to have the institutional clients who would be put off by knowing that qualified staff are applying for judgeships. Sure, partners might be concerned but that concern usually stems form the effect is has on bread-and-butter clients and, therefore, the partners’ draw, than the direct affect of losing a colleague. That suggests to me that, generally speaking, these firms would be more inclined to support the disclosure model followed by previous governors.This governor’s approach, then, seems to run counter to their position, yet, they have donated anyway, perhaps for other reaosns. I’m not sure when the listed contributions were made but, if made before the election, it will be interesting to see if that support changes and to what extent it can be attributed to this governor’s middle finger policy.