Category Archives: Crime

The MAGA blitzkrieg

We are living through a remarkable period in both U.S. and world history as this Republican administration carries out a blitzkrieg assault on 250-year old building blocks of American government and governance, and global society as a whole, making major headway at transforming our fuctioning democracy into a full-on dictatorship.

While Hitler’s WWII Blitzkrieg successfully crossed borders and led to the German occupation of most of Europe, the Republican version has erased our basic constitutional frameworks, from the separation of powers to the rule of law. While whining about imagined corruption, the administration has eliminated significant barriers to corruption, from the civil service system to the federal agency inspectors general. The administration is ordering attorneys to defend baseless policy decisions, firing those who decline to lie to judges to make their cases, and then stonewalling by refusing to abide by direct court orders, while simultaneously issuing aggressive calls to impeach judges who have ruled against the administration.

The move that I fear the most is the purge underway within the branches of the U.S. military, the abrupt firing of top admirals and generals to instill fear and obedience among the ranks of those remaining, and erasing decades of institutional memory and, to an unknown degree, the traditional military commitment to the constitution. One scenario is that after successfully declaring bogus “emergencies” to justify policies that trample legal boundaries, the administration will deploy military forces within the country to enforce its dismantling of large swaths of public institutions and services. During this president’s first term, it was top military officers within his orbit that helped to rein in his most dangerous impulses. Now he’s decimating that layer of the officer corps, putting in place those answering first and foremost to his commands, legal or not.

Ditto the purge of officials within the Department of Justice, the groundless attacks on judges who follow the law instead of the administration’s directions, and the firing of senior attorneys based on personal grievances, real or imagined.

All by a convicted multiple felon who immediately pardoned hundreds of January 6 participants convicted of violent crimes.

We are living through a period in which groups of masked men in civilian clothes can assault people walking on public streets in broad daylight and take them off by force without any semblance of due process, and deliver them to foreign prisons without recourse despite being legal residents or even citizens of this country.

For perhaps the first time in my long life, I am genuinely scared about the future, of the damage being done daily to essential institutions, the assault on and attempt to rewrite history, the crippling of science and medical research, and the progressive defunding of the web of programs that have made up the public “safety net.”

Meanwhile, life at a personal and community level goes on, just as life under other dictatorships goes on despite the outrages, hardships, and personal suffering.

I’m starting to appreciate two old friends who grew up in coal mining communities with parents involved in the labor movement when communities were divided between us (coal miners and their families) and them (mine owners and their goons). Then they lived through the red scare and McCarthy Era. Even as senior citizens, David and Diva would pull the shades and lower their voices to whispers when speaking with us about politics in “what do we do now?” conversations, telling us that they didn’t want to risk delicate conversations overheard by neighbors. “Just in case,” I suppose. You never know.

I now wonder if we’re destined to go forward as a failed state.

Here’s another anecdote from a different federal courtroom, as recounted by Ben Wittes of LawfareMedia.com. His full column can be found here.

On April 3, in a courtroom in Washington, an unfortunate soul named Drew Ensign—on behalf of the Trump administration—appeared in front of Chief Judge James Boasberg to explain why someone in the government should not be held in contempt for violating the judge’s order to turn around planes deporting Venezuelan migrants to El Salvador pursuant to the president’s proclamation under the Alien Enemies Act.

Judge Boasberg began by getting Ensign to admit certain things the administration is denying out of court:

The order in question didn’t require the release of any gang members.
It didn’t prevent the detention in immigration proceedings of any additional gang members.
It didn’t prevent the deportation of any gang members pursuant to normal immigration procedures.
In fact, the administration had done just that with respect to Tren de Aragua members.

All the temporary restraining orders did was to prevent the government from “summarily deport[ing] in-custody noncitizens who were subject to the proclamation without a hearing.”

“So if anyone in the administration continues to make statements that are contrary to what I have just said, those statements would not be truthful, isn’t that right?” the judge asked. “Those facts that we have just agreed on, they wouldn’t be true?”

Ensign responded tautologically: “Yes, Your Honor. To the extent that it’s contrary to things that are true, they would be false.”

“They would, indeed,” said Judge Boasberg.

A classic. “To the extent that it’s contrary to things that are true, they would be false.”

Other claimants enter government’s civil forfeiture case targeting Mike Miske’s assets

Bank of Hawaii has filed a claim to the 8,206-square foot luxury home on nearly an acre of land overlooking the ocean in Portlock owned by the estate of the late Honolulu business owner and crime boss, Michael J. Miske, Jr.

The home is the most valuable asset among a list of 27 items, valued at an estimated $25 million, that the government is attempting to seize in a civil forfeiture lawsuit filed in January and now pending in Honolulu’s Federal District Court. These properties, which include real estate, cash, cashier’s checks, vintage cars, and art, were owned by Miske at the time of his death, either personally, as part of his living trust, or in the name of one of the companies that he owned.

Miske purchased the 37,891 sq.ft. property Lumahai Street in 2010 for $2.3 million, and poured millions into the construction of an oceanfront mansion. It is currently appraised for tax purposes at $7.3 million, although testimony in Miske’s criminal trial indicated he claimed to have spent upwards of $11 million on the home’s construction. Since Miske’s indictment and arrest in 2020, the home has reportedly been available for rent at around $100,000 per month.

Miske was convicted by a federal jury last year on 13 counts including racketeering, murder for hire, kidnapping, assault in aid of racketeering, obstruction of justice, and other offenses. The jury also found that his assets should be forfeited to the government because they were tied to his criminal activities.

However, Miske died in Honolulu’s Federal Detention Center on December 1, 2024, weeks prior to his scheduled sentencing. As a result, his indictment and conviction have been vacated, along with the jury verdict on forfeiture, requiring government attorneys to proceed in a civil forfeiture proceeding.

Attorneys for BOH say the bank is “the mortgagee of record” of the Portlock home based a $1,999,999 mortgage loan secured by the property that was recorded in the Bureau of Conveyances in 2018. The bank’s court filing does not indicate the outstanding balance, including interest, now owed to the bank.

An official notice of the government’s lawsuit seeking the forfeiture was posted February 24 on an official government web site (www.forfeiture.gov), and remained public for 30 days.

According to the court filing, “any person claiming a legal interest” in any of Miske’s properties must file a claim within 60 days of February 24, and then file an answer to the complaint within another 21 days.

The government may also consider granting petitions for remission or mitigation, which pardon all or part of the property from the forfeiture. A petition must include a description of your interest in the property supported by documentation; include any facts you believe justify the return of the property; and be signed under oath, subject to the penalty of perjury, or meet the requirements of an unsworn statement under penalty of perjury.

Bank of Hawaii also said it is “the mortgagee of record” for a 3-bedroom home on Paokano Loop in Kailua’s Enchanted Lake subdivision. Miske purchased the residence in 2011 for $570,000. It has nearly doubled in value since Miske was indicted and arrested in 2020, and is now appraised for tax purposes at over $1.3 million. The $212,000 BOH mortage secured a revolving line of credit Miske obtained in early 2017. A copy of the mortage is part of the bank’s court filing, but the outstanding balance of the loan has not been reported.

U.S. Bank Trust National Association has also filed a claim based on a first mortgage lien on the Paokano Loop home securing a $608,000 loan in June 2013. The loan was originally made by Pinnacle Capital Mortgage Corporation in Roseville, California, but has been transferred through a series of subsequent assignees. U.S. Bank, as trustee for the current mortage owner, has demanded “payment in full of all sums due and owing…through the sale and/or seizure of the Kailua Property.”

Cith records show real property taxes are paid and up to date for both the Portlock and Kailua properties.

Meanwhile, San Francisco attorney Edward M. Burch has entered the governent’s forfeiture case representing both The Michael J. Miske, Jr. Revocable Living Trust, as well as Miske’s granddaughter, a minor who is identified in the court filing only by her initials, “N.M.”

She is the child of Caleb Miske and Delia Fabro Miske. Caleb, Miske’s son and only child, died in 2016 of complications of injuries suffered in a high-speed crash in Kaneohe several months earlier. She was born while Caleb was hospitalized.

Burch and his law partner, David Michael, have a law practice specializing in civil asset forfeiture defense.

Criminal defense specializing in civil asset forfeiture (cases involving the seizure of property by law enforcement who believe the property is related to crime – usually illegal drug sales – including cash, vehicles, and real property). Both California and Federal statutes allow law enforcement to seize cash and other valuables on the grounds that the property is connected to crimes such as drug trafficking. These drug asset forfeiture laws are based on the “legal fiction” that the property is guilty of wronging society, and permit the government to sue the property as defendant in civil court. As owner or possessor of the property, one is considered a third party to these civil forfeiture actions, who is voluntarily in court. These “claimants” are afforded less rights and protections than a traditional criminal defendant. My office effectively represents claimants and aggressively opposes these forfeiture actions to get your property back.

Victim files suit for 2017 assault by Miske associates

An accountant who was kidnapped, beaten, and terrorized in October 2017 by two thugs acting on orders from the late racketeering boss Michael J. Miske, Jr., has become the first of his victims to file suit seeking monetary damages from Miske’s estate.

Attorneys representing the accountant, Seung-Ji Robert Lee, filed a complaint in state court on March 3 asking for damages for assault and battery, and intentional infliction of emotional distress. Lee is represented by the law office of Eric Seitz.

“Plaintiff is entitled to recover exemplary and punitive damages against Defendants for their outrageous, malicious, deliberate and oppressive acts in order to punish the wrongful conduct alleged herein and to deter such conduct in the future,” according to the state complaint.

Named as defendants are Miske, through his estate and/or personal representative; two Miske associates, Wayne Miller and Jonah Ortiz, who carried out the kidnapping; Tony Young Ho Kim, a Honolulu investor and business owner who sought Miske’s help in recovering nearly a million dollars he believed Lee had stolen; and Preston Kimoto, a manager for two Miske-owned pest control companies, who delivered Kim’s request for help recovering the money to Miske, who in turn ordered Lee’s kidnapping.

In a separate motion filed in Honolulu’s Federal District Court, Lee’s attorney asked for court approval to intervene in a civil forfeiture lawsuit in which the government is claiming the right to seize an estimated $25 million of Miske’s assets because they can be traced to Miske’s racketeering enterprise.

Miske’s personal and business assets have been encumbered by the federal government since his initial indictment and arrest in July 2020. The motion argues that Lee must be allowed to intervene in the forfeiture case “to vindicate his interests in and rights to restitution and civil damages against…Miske.”

Miske was convicted last year on 13 charges, including Lee’s assault and kidnapping, following a 6-month jury trial. Several of the charges carried mandatory minimum sentences of life in prison.

However, Miske was found dead in his cell in Honolulu’s Federal Detention Center on December 1, 2024, just weeks before he was scheduled to be sentenced. As a result, the entire criminal case, from the indictments through the trial and jury verdicts, have been vacated under the legal doctrine of abatement ab initio, as if none of it had ever taken place.

The action also vacated a pending criminal forfeiture, and the government refiled their claim in civil court seeking to seize the same set of assets.

Atlas Steel

Lee’s kidnapping and assault resulted from a business dispute between Lee and Kim over the latter’s investment of about $1 million in Atlas Steel, a local manufacturer of steel building products.

Seung-Ji Robert Lee was born in China, lived in Korea until he was 18, then lived in Brazil for six year before arriving in Hawaii in 1970. He studied at the University of Hawaii, where he received a bachelor’s degree in business administration in 1980. He was licensed as a certified public accountant in August 1985, and his license remains active, according to state records.

In the late 1990s, Lee had seen potential profit in the trend toward using light gauge steel studs to frame houses and buildings instead of wood, which is vulnerable to termite damage. Lee incorporated a new company, Atlas Steel, in 2000, and began producing and selling steel products in about 2005.

By this time, two other people had invested in the company and became shareholders. One of those was Tony Young Ho Kim, who was one of Lee’s accounting clients. Kim made an initial investment of $450,000, matching Lee’s own initial investment in Atlas Steel, according to Lee’s testimony during Miske’s trial. The second outside investor died, leaving Lee and Kim as the company’s only shareholders.

Tony Kim and his wife had come to Hawaii from Korea in 1977. Starting with a cart selling puka shell jewelry in Waikiki, they eventually owned several retails stores in Waikiki, including Jewels of Hawaii in the Hyatt Regency Hotel, and Ala Moana Golf Shop in Ala Moana Center. In 2003, Kim and his wife formed KMC Broadcasting LLC, which purchased KHRA-AM, one of Hawaii’s two Korean language radio stations. Kim sold the station for a reported $790,000 in 2008.

Risky Business

When Lee started Atlas Steel, there had been only one other small firm manufacturing similar products in Hawaii. But in 2001 that company was purchased by Dietrich Industries, part of Worthington Enterprises, a national firm with deep corporate pockets.

“When they moved in they brought six new machines and built the big factory,” Lee testified. By the time Atlas began production and sales a few years later, it found tough going.

“And from the beginning we were struggling,” Lee said.

Lee, who also served as testified that he sold his house and reinvested the proceeds to strengthen Atlas’s finances, bringing his stake in the company to over $1 million.

“That was my lifetime savings,” Lee said.

When the company later applied for a $700,000 Small Business Administration loan, the agency asked Kim, who had more financial clout than Lee, to personally guarantee the loan. He agreed.

Atlas was forced to file for bankruptcy in January 2013, reporting less than $100,000 in assets, and between $1 million and $10 million in total liabilities. Although the company reorganized and emerged briefly from bankruptcy, hoping to cut costs enough to survive, it finally went out of business at the end of 2015.

The bankruptcy forced Lee’s accounting business into foreclosure, and his interest in the LLC was sold for $20,000, according to the 2021 report of the court-appointed receiver.

Debt collection

I’ve written previously about Lee’s kidnapping and assault, so this is just a brief summary of what happened.

Tony Kim lost about $970,000 of his investment when Atlas Steel closed its doors, and believed that Lee, who was president and sole officer of the company as well as a CPA, had embezzled the money. Kim told his daughter Lee had forged his signature on documents, allowing Lee to steal about a million dollars.

Kim allegedly threatened and harassed Lee for the return of his investment, but was rebuffed. Then in the summer of 2017, Kim’s daughter, Sunnie Kim, had lunch with Preston Kimoto, a manager for Miske’s Kamaaina Termite and Pest Control, and at least one other Miske company. The two had known each other previously through mutual friends, but had not been in touch for several years.

Sunnie Kim wanted to arrange termite treatment for a home, but also asked Kimoto if he knew anyone who could help her father get his money back. She agreed to pay half of whatever money was recovered, which Kimoto believed was the going rate for collecting a debt through extra-legal means.

Kimoto later testified that he simply asked Mike Miske to “talk to the guy,” apparently thinking such a direct request could persuade Lee to refund Kim’s investment. Instead, unknown to Kimoto, Miske assigned the task to an old friend and associate, Wayne Miller, who proceeded to plan and carry out Lee’s kidnapping.

Kimoto didn’t learn about the kidnapping until Miller called and asked what he should do since they had the accountant who, despite the assault and threats, insisted he didn’t have the money.

“At that point,” Kimoto testified. “I was in shock. I didn’t know what had transpired, because my understanding was that Mike was going to go and talk to him, not kidnap the person.”

Miller then drove up to Miske’s office on Queen Street, got out of his car, and greeted Miske and Kimoto, who had just returned from the gym.

“The guy better not be in the fucking trunk,” Miske told Miller.

“He’s not in the trunk,” Miller replied.

And Mike made him open the trunk to prove it.

The trunk was empty.

See:

Latest Plea Deal In Miske Case Reveals New Details About 2017 Kidnapping, Civil Beat, July 24, 2023

Trial testimony began with Count 11, a “conspiracy to commit kidnapping,” iLind.net, January 24, 2024

Civil Beat tracks one big shipment of illegal fireworks

Don’t miss the fantastic investigative story today over at Civil Beat (“Hidden Links Exposed: Hawai?i Fireworks Bust Tied To Mainland Suppliers“).

The long sub-head provides a good idea of what’s in the story: “One mysterious address on shipping documents in a seizure at Honolulu Harbor is the first in a chain of clues that lead across the country and through the decades — a mysterious web of connections between the legal and illegal fireworks trade.”

Reporters John Hill and Blaze Lovell tracked paperwork, court and licensing records, business records in multiple states, all in order to tell the story of a shipment of $2.7 million dollars of illegal fireworks seized in a shipping container at Sand Island.

It’s really a classic story, starting with a small piece, and then building the story one document, one name, one address, one business, one official record, across a number of states and time frames, one piece at a time until the web of connections is revealed.

And the subtext is, of course, if these reporters several year after the fact could find all this out, how is it that with multiple state and federal agencies involved, how is it that no one was held legally accountable?

Civil Beat should host a program with John and Blaze talking about how the pieces of the puzzle fell into place as they pursued the investigation.