Category Archives: lobbyists

Cigarette maker Altria (Philip Morris) tops in lobbying spending since 2006

Altria, one of the world’s largest tobacco companies formerly known as the Philip Morris Companies, spent far more than any other interest group lobbying state lawmakers between 2006 and 2012, according to lobbyist reports filed with the State Ethics Commission.

Altria Client Services, the subsidiary handling lobbying, litigation, and other aspects of the tobacco company’s business, along with its affiliates, spent $1,126,508 over the seven year period, an average of more than $160,000 a year.

The company spent 72.6% more than second-ranked Kamehameha Schools, which spent $652,329 over the same period.

The list of the top 25 spenders includes two public agencies, the Hawaii Tourism Authority and the Honolulu Board of Water Supply, along with several unions, a few of Hawaii’s top corporations, and industry or trade associations.

Union-affiliated groups include the Hawaii Operating Engineers Industry Stabilization Fund (#3), Hawaii State Teachers Association (#4), Hawaii Ironworkers Stabilization Fund (#16), and University of Hawaii Professional Assembly (#17).

Only three local corporations, Hawaiian Electric (#12), Outrigger Enterprises (#14), and Hawaii Medical Service Association (#20), made it into the top 25.

Industry groups included the Hawaii Association for Justice, formerly known as Consumer Lawyers of Hawaii, (#6), Western States Petroleum Association (#8), Chamber of Commerce of Hawaii (#9), Pharmaceutical Researchers & Manufacturers (#10), Hawaii Medical Association (#13), American Beverage Association (#21) and the General Contractors Association of Hawaii (#22).

The 25 highest spending interest groups reported a total of nearly $10 million spent to influence legislative actions over the 2006-2012 period.

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A full list of all 630 organizations with registered lobbyists is available here. For an alphabetical list of all lobbying organizations, with their overall rank and total spent, click here.

These lists are compiled from reports of the State Ethics Commission, now available via the state’s data portal, Data.Hawaii.gov.

The underlying data are made up of reported expenditures by each organization employing a lobbyist registered with the commission as required by law covering the period from January 1, 2006 through December 31, 2012.

This is the first time these data have been made publicly available in a form allowing comparisons over time.

Dang pays $1,000 to resolve potential conflict of interest charge

[Revised 9:45 a.m.]

Remember the flap during the recent legislative session over SB893? That’s the bill that would have retroactively exempted attorney/lobbyist Marvin Dang from conflict of interest provisions of the state ethics law after he lobbied on bills proposed by a mortgage foreclosure task force he had served on.

There was a big ruckus over the the bill, but in the end, after all was said and done, Dang quietly agreed to pay $1,000 to resolve any potential charges that might have been brought by the State Ethics Commission, according to the redacted summary of an advisory opinion recently made public by the commission.

Here’s what Civil Beat’s Chad Blair wrote about the issue just last month:

Two weeks ago a committee in the state House of Representatives killed a bill that would have retroactively exempted task force members from a conflict-of-interest provision in state law.

As Civil Beat reported, critics said the measure was an attempt to shield one member of the now-defunct Mortgage Foreclosure Task Force from Hawaii’s ethics law.

That member, financial services attorney Marvin Dang, turned up Tuesday before another House committee to ask lawmakers to reinstate key sections of the dead measure — Senate Bill 893 — into Senate Bill 66.

Dang submitted eight pages of written testimony and a draft of SB 893.

He also included written testimony dated March 21 from the Hawaii Bankers Association, the Mortgage Bankers Association of Hawaii, the Hawaii Credit Union League and several former members of the Mortgage Foreclosure Task Force — even though those groups and individuals were specifically testifying on SB 893, not SB 66.

The near flip-flop on the issue by the House reportedly came as Sen. Clayton Hee twisted arms behind the scenes, threatening to hold several House measures hostage if the provisions benefiting Dang were not agreed to by the House.

The issue brought former State Ethics Commission Executive Director Dan Mollway out of the closet to write a scathing letter urging the commission to fire his successor, Les Kondo.

As Star-Advertiser political writer Derrick DePledge reported:

Daniel Mollway, the former executive director of the state Ethics Commission, has urged the commission to fire Leslie Kondo, the current executive director, for allegedly operating in a “rogue and arbitrary fashion.”

In a March 27 letter to the commission, Mollway faults Kondo for publicly suggesting that a former member of a state mortgage foreclosure task force has violated the ethics law when no formal case has ever been brought before the commission.

Lots of high drama, indeed.

The issue goes back at least two years. For example, Kondo explained the ethics law to members of mortgage foreclosure task force at their meeting on August 2, 2011, according to the minutes of that meeting, and it was not the first time Kondo communicated with the task force.

The commission’s consideration of the issue came in response to Dang’s own request for an advisory opinion. In September 2012, the commission drafted an advisory opinion. The draft advisory opinion concluded that Dang’s lobbying, despite repeated warnings from commission staff, violated Section 84-14(d) of the ethics law.

No legislator or employee shall assist any person or business or act in a representative capacity for a fee or other compensation to
secure passage of a bill . . . in which he has participated or will participate as a legislator or employee[.]

The function of an advisory opinion is to provide a guideline for avoiding violations of law. If the legislator or employee who requested the opinion complies with the commission’s advice, they cannot face later charges unless they misrepresented the facts of the case. However, in this unusual case, Dang appears to have initially rejected the commission’s position and instead aggressively sought a political fix.

Meanwhile, another behind the scenes struggle was beginning in court. The ethics commission went to court in November 2012 to enforce a subpoena after Dang failed to appear and produce certain documents related to the matter, court records show.

Dang, represented by attorney Randall Y.S. Chung, filed a number of legal motions over the next several months in attempts to stave off the subpoena. The court files have been sealed and remain confidential, apparently as a result of a motion filed by Chung on Dang’s behalf, but it appears the commission’s subpoena was eventually upheld by the court.

When the attempt to get the exemption bill through the legislature finally ran out of steam, Dang apparently agreed to make a $1,000 payment “to resolve any further action by the Commission” stemming from his lobbying on the mortgage foreclosure bill.

The $1,000 payment was disclosed in footnote #1 to the commission’s Advisory Opinion 2012-2. The summary does not name Dang, but it clearly describes his case.

What remains unclear is why Dang fought so hard to avoid appearing before the commission to discuss the case, since he was evidently very active at the legislature telling his story in official testimony and in private lobbying.

There’s obviously more of a story here that remains to be pieced together.

Mitsunaga: A focused approach to campaign contributions

Today’s slide of Hawaii contribution data includes those contributions made by Mitsunaga & Associates and its officers, employees, and family members during 2011 and 2012.

The total amount given to candidates was $193,200, which is in the same ball park as the $172,800 contributed by lobbyists John Radcliffe and “Red” Morris (see “Following the money–Where did it go?“).

But the Mitsunaga pattern of contributions was very different and far more narrowly focused.

While Radcliffe and Morris spread their money across state and county 75 candidates, the Mitsunaga money went to only 25, and was heavy concentrated on the “top of the ticket”.

Just three candidates accounted for two-thirds of the total contributed by the Mitsunaga group–Gov. Abercrombie, then-Lt. Gov. Brian Schatz, and mayoral candidate Ben Cayetano.

By comparison, Radcliffe & Morris gave to 27 candidates before hitting the same two-thirds plateau.

Just nine candidates accounted for 90 percent of the total amount contributed by the Mitsunaga group, while Radcliffe/Morris spread 90 percent of their contributions among 49 candidates.

Details of the Mitsunaga contributions can be found here.

Big money in both cases, but reflecting two very different political approaches.

Campaign contributions by Mitsunaga & Associates
2011-12

(includes company officers, employees, and family members)

Candidate Name Amount Total
Schatz, Brian 48000
Cayetano, Benjamin 45000
Abercrombie, Neil 38000
Kaneshiro, Keith 13000
Martin, Ernest 12000
Solomon, Malama 9000
Dela Cruz, Donovan 6550
Kahele, Gilbert 5500
Anderson, J. Ikaika 4200
Manahan, Joey 2250
Tsutsui, Shan 1700
Caldwell, Kirk 1500
Say, Calvin 1200
Goodenow, Kenneth 1050
Kim, Donna Mercado 1000
Han, Martin 850
Onishi, Dennis 600
Kenoi, William 500
Taniguchi, Brian 350
Yamane, Ryan 250
Har, Sharon 250
Kidani, Michelle 200
Kobayashi, Ann 150
Souki, Joseph 100

Hawaii Monitor: Lobbyist gave nearly $100,000 in 2012 election

My column in Civil Beat this week returns to the data on politics and money, tracing top campaign contributors during the 2012 election cycle.

It turns out that George “Red” Morris and John Radcliffe, principals in the lobbying firm, Capitol Consultants of Hawaii, were far and away the highest rolling individual contributors.

Neal Milner, emeritus professor of political science at UH Manoa, was surprised by the size of the reported contribution totals.

“I’m not surprised that two of the best known lobbyists in the state gave more money,” Milner said yesterday. “It’s how much more they gave, and how different they are from other lobbyists, that’s the startling thing.”

“It not just that they’re heavy hitters, they appear to hit in ways that may be different from other lobbyists,” Milner said.

In any case, check out the column and leave your comment, either here or over at Civil Beat.