Monthly Archives: September 2011

Reminder: Always check the footnotes

Last week, a friend left a very critical comment about my shout-out to Ken Conklin for his critique of recent writings of David Keanu Sai. I promised to get back to the issue. Here goes…. Should I apologize in advance that this is longer than I wanted it to be, and I realize few people will get through it all? Yes, but, that aside….

Sai and others making similar arguments don’t get their fair share of serious criticism, constructive or otherwise. In part, there’s political correctness involved. People are just reluctant to be seen as publicly critical of things Hawaiian. Hawaiians ourselves are usually more inclined to shy away from open criticism and conflict, and just work around differences. It’s an island thing we grow up with. We live on an island, so don’t fight unless absolutely necessary. The media, along with most politicians, also seem to believe Hawaiian issues are another “third rail” of public life to be avoided.

So that’s one reason I think Conklin makes a positive contribution with his point-by-point rebuttals of Sai, even if they lead him (too often) to offensive comments that are easily taken as insensitive at best, racist at worst. Ideally, he would be creating space for others to think and write critically about the issues, but that still hasn’t happened. I’m not saying that we need more anti-Hawaiian criticism, but Hawaiian claims shouldn’t be off-limits for the strict scrutiny we apply to other political arguments.

Tackling Sai’s writing isn’t easy. I discovered that several years ago when another friend handed me one of Sai’s articles and asked for my feedback. I read through it to get the overall shape of the argument, then returned to the beginning to check the references and footnotes, where I quickly bogged down.

Why? Footnotes. I learned my lesson about the importance of checking footnotes some time back. It was about 1989, and the city council was debating the proposal for an elevated rail system put forward by then-Mayor Frank Fasi. I was working as senior advisor to Neil Abercrombie, then a member of the Honolulu City Council representing District 5, from Manoa down to parts of Waikiki.

One day a well-dressed realtor appeared at Neil’s office and was referred to me. He had a compelling story to tell. He alleged that one of the proposed rail routes to the edge of Waikiki was being pushed by Hawaii’s senior senator and, if approved, would result in a windfall for the senator and friends who had an interest in a particular property along Ala Moana Boulevard. He said it had all been documented, and left me with a long report, carefully footnoted, laying out the evidence.

Although a Democrat, I had come out of a “good government” background, having served as state director of Common Cause. If a documented case of political manipulation of the rail process for private gain existed, I was ready to recommend appropriate action. So I sat down with the document and read it through carefully, noting that its footnotes referenced documents filed with the Bureau of Conveyances. Those documents must be dynamite, I thought to myself, and off I went in pursuit of knowledge.

At the bureau, I began pulling out microfilms containing the documents cited in those footnotes. It didn’t take long to figure out that they were part of a self-referencing and deceptive web of plausible untruths. Almost all of the referenced documents, most with elaborate and provocative titles, turned out to have been originated by the same person who wrote the report that, in turn, relied on them as external “evidence.” A few of the documents were simply quoted out of context, and on closer reading offered no support at all. By the time I finished the session, it was clear the entire conspiracy tale was an elaborate fabrication.

In the 20+ years since, the same person who put together this fabricated report has been accused on numerous occasions of theft and fraud, sometimes accused of defrauding people he ostensibly was “helping.” He is currently awaiting trial in Northern California on federal charges including wire fraud, conspiracy, blackmail, and witness tampering.

And that brings me back to the arguments of Keanu Sai. I haven’t found the precise article of his that my friend had solicited comments about, but its claims were similar to those in a 2004 column written for the newspaper of the Office of Hawaiian Affairs (“Experts validate legitimacy of international law case“).

The column points to a legal commentary by attorneys David J. Bederman and Kurt R. Hilbert, appearing in the American Journal of International Law, and later reprinted in the Hawaiian Journal of Law and Politics. It examines an attempt made by Sai and others to get the UN Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) to arbitrate (through the Permanent Court of Arbitration) the dispute (such as it is) over the status of Hawaii and the Hawaiian Kingdom.

Sai writes:

The commentary correctly explained that at “the center of the PCA proceeding was … that the Hawaiian Kingdom continues to exist and that the Hawaiian Council of Regency (representing the Hawaiian Kingdom) is legally responsible under international law for the protection of Hawaiian subjects, including the claimant. In other words, the Hawaiian Kingdom was legally obligated to protect Larsen from the United States’ ‘unlawful imposition [over him] of [its] municipal laws’ through its political subdivision, the State of Hawai‘i.”

The reader would be justified in thinking that the author of the commentary was affirming the continued existence of the Hawaiian Kingdom and the rest of Sai’s argument. However, the quote, as presented by Sai, omitted a crucial phrase defining the statement simply as describing Sai’s position, not commenting on it.

At the center of the PCA proceeding was the argument that Hawaiians never directly relinquished to the United States their claim of inherent sovereignty either as a people or over their national lands, and accordingly that the Hawaiian Kingdom continues to exist… (etc.)

Through careful editing, Sai conveys the mistaken conclusion that the quote was affirming of his position rather than merely being descriptive. That’s a huge and meaningful difference, and Sai’s approach smacks either of intellectual dishonesty or very sloppy scholarship.

The commentary’s real focus is not on Hawaii or the argument about the Hawaiian Kingdom, but rather on the reasoning of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in rejecting Sai’s case and the problems of this reasoning as they address other issues going forward.

The authors conclude the tribunal was “clearly correct in rejecting this (Sai’s) claim,” which described as “curious—and collusive,” but argue that the claim should have been rejected immediately because the tribunal’s rules apply only to commercial disputes and not to noncommercial, political arguments.

This award raises important questions concerning the use of the doctrines of standing and indispensable third parties in the context of international arbitrations, and also concerning the Tribunal’s application of the ICJ’s Monetary Gold principle. From the outset of the proceedings, it was clear that the parties were in conflict not with one another, but with the United States. The Tribunal properly recognized that the “function of international arbitral tribunals in contentious proceedings is to determine disputes between parties, not to make abstract rulings.” As such, the Tribunal could have based its ruling initially on the lack of a legal dispute. Absent a legal dispute, the UNCITRAL Rules do not apply, irrespective of party agreement.

This commentary, and at least one other cited by Sai, never reached the substantive issues pushed by Sai, but revolved around procedural questions. And Sai’s seizing on parts of the procedural debate as validation of his substantive political positions appears to be as flawed as Laulima LLC’s attempt to equate a procedural dismissal of a District Court summary possession action with a court validation of their claims that all titles since the 1893 overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom are defective.

All of this is a very long-winded explanation to my friend as to why I tolerate or look past Ken Conklin’s personal political views in order to encourage the debate over the many questionable claims about the Hawaiian Kingdom made by Keanu Sai (and others).

Schedule goes awry

Ah, I intended for that last entry to be automatically posted this morning, but somehow managed to immediately post it when written last night. So much for the best intentions. I’m now short a new entry for this morning, with my next missive only half completed.

For the time being, I’m just going to fill the space with this photo of dawn on Sunday, September 11, taken at Swanzy Beach Park in Kaaawa.

I’m also still dealing with the two sick/injured cats. Wally perked up for 24 hours after her vet visit, but by last night was back to minimal food intake. This morning, after she turned her nose up at several offerings, I resorted to a can of people tuna. She’s managed to have two small servings, both relatively eagerly accepted. She is scheduled to return to the vet on Saturday morning, but I may have to move that appointment forward unless she perks up soon.

Meanwhile, Harriet (with the injury on her left side) seems to be doing better since starting on antibiotics. She’s feeling good enough to act up and be aggravating. I suppose that’s good news.

Check back later today.

colorful sunrise

Criticism of Civil Beat reporter was off-base

I was surprised by a critical comment left here about the Civil Beat reporting by Adrienne LaFrance tracking down a rail delegation to Washington headed by Honolulu Mayor Peter Carlisle.

The commenter, using the name TMZ, wrote (in part):

What I’ve seen thus far from AL is far from professional reporting especially for someone maintaining a Washington “bureau”. Her reporting comes across as unpolished. Her style for ambushes is more like Ridaldo Rivera than a traditional journalist. Her goal seems to embarrass someone important first….report on the confrontation she herself created….second. Might make for good TV on late night but seems tacky to me.

I have a very different viewpoint.

Adrienne’s article on Thursday told an entertaining story with a serious message. What a great lede!

Honolulu Mayor Peter Carlisle looked like he had seen a ghost.

It conveys so much. The mayor was surprised and shocked that a reporter made it through or around the city’s elaborate roadblocks to reporting. That tells you something about what the mainstream media isn’t doing any more, or certainly not consistently enough.

HART board Chairwoman Carrie Okinaga actually winced, like she was nauseated or maybe about to cry.

Okay, this wasn’t your typical who, what, where, when lead to a boring transit story. But it conveyed quite an insight into how rail is being managed to give the public only the most managed information. I got much more useful perspective from this nontraditional reporting of a nine-minute interaction.

While we’re at it, it’s worth noting again that LaFrance also called out Denis Dwyer, the highly paid behind-the-scenes lobbyist who was escorting the Hawaii rail delegation.

Today I managed to find a few more historical tidbits about Dwyer’s Hawaii lobbying and politicking.

• Last year, Star-Advertiser reporter Richard Borreca mentioned that Dwyer put on a $1,000 per person Washington fundraiser for gubernatorial candidate Mufi Hannemann.

April 14, 1995 memo describes a meeting involving Waihee, Dwyer, Norma Wong, Bishop Estate General Counsel Nathan Aipa, and Trustee Gerry Jervis, regarding the possibility of moving the estate from Hawaii to an tribal reservation on the mainland where it might gain certain immunities from federal law.

• October 4, 1995. Memo from former Gov. John Waihee, Dwyer, and Norma Wong, “Back Up Position.” This stems from the period where Dwyer was lobbying on behalf of Bishop Estate to stave off reforms in nonprofit regulations that could have crimped the high salaries and free wheeling style of Bishop Estate trustees.” Waihee and Dwyer, both working for the same Washington law/lobbying firm, laid out their strategy for proceeding in Washington if their attempt to forestall so-called “intermediate sanctions” failed.

• December 13, 1995. Memo from Dwyer to Lokelani Lindsey, Bishop Estate Trustee, “Talking Points for discussions with Senators Pryor and Bumpers.

Dwyer an old hand at Hawaii lobbying

In November 1999, former Honolulu reporter Rick Daysog, now at the Sacremento Bee, wrote about the former Bishop Estate’s attempts to derail federal reforms in nonprofit laws.

Ousted trustees of the Bishop Estate paid former Gov. John Waihee to lobby top White House officials in an effort to protect their hefty paychecks, according to internal trust documents obtained by the Star-Bulletin.

Waihee met with President Bill Clinton’s then-deputy chief of staff, Erskine Bowles, at the White House in late 1995 to discuss the so-called intermediate sanctions law, which penalizes trustees of charitable trusts who receive excessive pay….

And while the trustees’ lobbying eventually fizzled, critics said it demonstrates the lengths to which the ousted trustees went to protect their compensation, and lays bare the 115-year-old charitable trust’s political connections in the nation’s capitol.

I mention it here because the name of Denis Dwyer pops up. Dwyer was the “mystery man” among a Honolulu rail delegation to Washington last week headed by Mayor Peter Carlisle.

A Sept. 22, 1995, memo from Waihee and Verner Liipfert staffer Denis Dwyer indicated that the estate initially sought to “kill” the bill but was unable to do so due to a barrage of negative stories about nonprofits in the national media. That year, longtime United Way President William Aramony was convicted of defrauding the charity.

Waihee and Dwyer later developed a backup position to “minimize the adverse impacts” on the estate.

The trustees successfully lobbied for the elimination of the so-called exit tax, which gave the IRS the power to charge hefty fines to charities that convert to a for-profit corporation.

The trustees also pushed unsuccessfully for a provision that would have set their compensation according to state law. Under that rule the trustees’ salaries would have been protected from the overview of the IRS or other federal agencies.

According to the estate’s documents, Verner Liipfert’s lobbying team consisted of 15 lawyers and consultants, including Waihee and former state official Norma Wong.

The campaign included dozens of telephone calls, letters and meetings with Sens. Robert Dole, William Roth and David Pryor and House Ways and Means chairman Bill Archer.

The Verner Liipfert team also enlisted the assistance of Goldman Sachs Group to lobby former New York Sen. Alfonse D’Amato. Bishop Estate is a large shareholder in the Goldman Sachs investment banking firm.

“It appears that the former trustees lobbied everyone but the pope himself on this issue,” said Deputy Attorney General Hugh Jones.

But Dwyer wasn’t a newcomer to Hawaii politics in 1999.

Seattle Times writers Frank Greve and Mark Fazlollah reported in May 1991 on an island-hopping trip arranged by Dwyer for top federal transit officials, including the top mass transit administrator (Brian Clymer) and the communications director (Nancy Butler). Dwyer was then lobbying “in regard to mass transit” for the city of Honolulu, or the State of Hawaii, or both. At the time, an earlier version of the city plan, pushed by then-Mayor Frank Fasi was already on the drawing boards, to be paid for by a combination of federal, state, city funds, the article reported.

Expense accounts obtained through the Freedom of Information Act show the UMTA officials spent a night at a plush Maui beach resort, another at a hotel on the island of Hawaii and two nights at Honolulu’s Sheraton Waikiki, where the suite Clymer occupied usually goes for $525.

Thanks to lobbyist Denis Dwyer and cooperative Hawaiian politicians, no day’s lodging costs on the Monday-through-Friday tour exceeded $97, the maximum daily reimbursement for federal officials in Hawaii on business.

The story went on:

Dwyer, who picked up the visitors at the Maui airport and accompanied them all week, said his effort was “nothing more than trying to put your best foot forward.”

Dwyer said Butler picked the team’s destinations. Dwyer enlisted aides to Sen. Daniel Inouye of Hawaii to make hotel reservations. Hotel personnel said Inouye aides or other civic leaders pushing the rail plan requested discounted rates.

The rate breaks were offered “by the hotels, in their sole discretion,” Brown said, and UMTA officials were unaware of them. Moreover, “substantial official business” was done each day in Hawaii, he said.

In 1992, Dwyer was hired by then-Gov. John Waihee to push legislation to return the island of Kahoolawe to the State of Hawaii, according to the account of an attorney involved in the process.

It’s no surprise that over the years Dwyer has been a contributor to Hawaii candidates, including then Congressman Neil Abercrombie, the Democratic Party of Hawaii ($2000 in 2002), Sen. Dan Inouye ($2000 in 2004, $4,400 in 2008-2009), and DANPAC ($5,000 earlier this year). You can check his federal contributions directly on the FEC web site.