Category Archives: Business

Pssst…Hey buddy, can you use $100 million?

Okay, maybe legislators aren’t really standing in the shadows of some downtown alley soliciting anonymous passersby with offers of discount financing courtesy of the State of Hawaii.

But sometimes it certainly feels that way!

Take a gander at SB579 and its companion measure, HB689.

Here’s the primary substance of these bills, which would authorize the issuance of $100 million in special purpose revenue bonds for something called House of Aloha Enterprises LLC.

Pursuant to part IV, chapter 39A, Hawaii Revised Statutes, the department of budget and finance, with the approval of the governor, is authorized to issue special purpose revenue bonds in a total amount not to exceed $100,000,000, in one or more series, for the purpose of assisting House of Aloha Enterprises LLC, a Hawaii limited liability company, with planning, designing, constructing, and equipping facilities for the manufacturing, processing, and distribution of products such as but not limited to the production of value-added agricultural, advanced materials, sustainable, and fine art products. The legislature hereby finds and determines that the planning, designing, constructing, and equipping of facilities for the manufacturing and processing of products such as the production of value-added agricultural products constitute a project as defined in part IV, chapter 39A, Hawaii Revised Statutes, and the financing thereof is assistance to a processing enterprise.

Rather amazingly, both bills have been passed by their subject matter committees, and referred on to the respective money committees, House Finance and Senate Ways and Means.

Even more amazing is the fact that the committee reports accompanying the bills provide absolutely no indication of what House of Aloha Enterprises LLC is going to do with $100 million, what resources it has to put into such an ambitious project, or what business experience its principals have that might suggest the possibility of succeeding in delivering on its wholly vague promises. The poor committee staff didn’t have much to work with, since testimony submitted on the bills was devoid of anything meaningful, and the committee reports reflect that.

So who or what is House of Aloha Enterprises LLC?

The company was registered with the state’s Business Registration Division on October 29, 2020, listing its principal business address as 65-165 Kamehameha Highway in Haleiwa. It is an address at Haleiwa Town Center. Unsigned testimony submitted on behalf of Mason Industries LLC states that House of Aloha plans a “retail outlet” at Haleiwa Town Center which it claims “will generate revenue, taxes, fees, lease and rents….”

“The project will generate jobs in areas such as but not limited to, construction, law, finance, food and beverage, accounting, engineering, landscaping, maintenance, and energy,” as well as “multi millions of dollars in revenue for the State of Hawaii through taxes, fees, and the lease at the Free Trade Zone,” according to the Mason Industries testimony.

Where’s the beef, you might ask? Well, sadly, there was none to be found.

Mason Industries is one of four members that make up House of Aloha Enterprises, according to state records.

The sole member of Mason Industries LLC, according to state business registration records, is Melvin G. Mason Jr. The company’s principal address is a rented residence in Kailua-Kona. It first registered to do business in May 2018.

Mason has another company, Keahole Industries LLC, registered at the same address. It was registered to do business beginning in 2017, but has failed to file required annual business registrations with the state for two years.

According to the state’s Business Registration Division, “This business is not in good standing.”

What appears to be a companion business registered by Mason, Keahole Enterprises LLC, is currently registered. It was first registered by Mason on October 24, 2018. A company by the same name was registered by former state legislator Jon Riki Karamatsu on April 1, 2016. The company went out of business by filing Articles of Termination on May 24, 2018.

The other members of House of Aloha Enterprises are equally unknown entities–Hawaiian Quintessence LLC, International and Pacific Enteprises LLC, and Wahineokai LLC.

Hawaiian Quintessence–It’s sole member, according to business registration records, is Waymond Ngai, a Honolulu attorney. It’s principal business address is a 734 square foot residential apartment on Kapiolani Boulevard.

Ngai is also listed as agent for House of Aloha Enterprises. During 2019-2020, he was registered with the State Ethics Commission as lobbyist for four entities controlled by Mason–Keahole Enterprises LLC, Keahole Industries LLC, KoleaGold LLC, and Mason Industries, LLC.

International and Pacific Enterprises LLC lists a single member, Jason K. Hoopai, and lists is purpose as “to own, operate & manage portfoio business investments & to provide wholesale services and goods.”

Wahineokai LLC was registered with the Business Registration Division on October 16, 2020, by Cameron Wahineokai, and listed a Kaneohe residence as its principal address.

Melvin Mason presented the only testimony in favor of these bills, and his testimony contained absolutely no specifics, no evidence of financial resources, no evidence of relevant experience, and no evidence of capacity to undertake a $100 million project.

The only additional testimony was submitted by the Department of Budget and Finance regarding its requirements for such special purpose revenue bonds.

“The Department would like to inform the Legislature and prospective SPRB parties that should the legislation be approved, approval of the SPRB issuance and conduit loan will require further review of the financing proposal to ensure compliance with all federal, state and credit underwriting requirements,” director Craig Hirai said in his testimony.

Okay. An authorization to issue special purpose revenue bonds isn’t like just getting cash money. It’s like a loan, and requires interest payments and eventual repayment of the principal. And in our current low interest rate environment, revenue bonds aren’t the fantastic financing method they have been in the past, when commercial borrowing costs have been substantially higher. But the state has a limited allocation of such bonds, and there’s still competition for the right to use whatever bond financing is available.

So why did both house and senate committees give what appears to be a pass to this newly formed business with no track record, no visible financial resources, no substantive plans to share, and…and…it makes my head hurt.

Hopefully the tight-fisted members of the money committees will not follow suit.

SIBA: Singing the same tune for nearly 30 years

An anonymous reader called my attention to a special interest bill pending before the Honolulu City Council that would give significant real property tax breaks to businesses that are part of the Sand Island Business Association.

Here’s an excerpt from the comment (received on February 4):

Yesterday the Honolulu City Council’s Budget Committee voted to “postpone” action on a sweetheart property tax bill pushed by former Council Chair Ann Kobayashi on her way out the door. Bill 31, backed by former Kobayashi staffer Milton Holt — who now heads the Sand Island Business Association —and a bunch of Sand Island companies including Mitsunaga Construction (yes, THAT Mitsunaga), would cap property taxes on certain industrial properties even in the event of massive new construction. The Caldwell administration opposed the bill and said it would cost the city more than $8 million per year in lost revenue even without new development, as well as open a big can of worms regarding how other properties are taxed. The Blangiardi admin also opposes but seems to be struggling.

The Sand Island Business Association (SIBA) was formed in 1989, and in 1992 obtained a 55-year master lease on about 70 acres on Sand Island for an industrial park subdivision. SIBA was given direct management control of the 113-lots subdivision on the state-owned land. The lease promised SIBA below market lease rent during the first 25 years in exchange for a requirement the organization pay for providing the necessary on-site infrastructure, from roads to sewers to utilities. At least that was the rationale. SIBA was also given control over the subleases to its members, effectively allowing it to control who benefited from the public subsidy.

The current Bill 31 was proposed and backed by SIBA. No testimony in favor of the project was submitted to the council by anyone other than SIBA and its members who sublease properties in the industrial park.

The bill’s proponents put forward two arguments in support of Bill 31. First, they argued that it was unfair for them to pay property taxes comparable to other industrially zoned land when the Sand Island Industrial Park does not receive the full array of city services.

Dozens of SIBA businesses submitted testimony containing identical language.

The City services that the SIBA tenants do not receive include, but are not limited to, refuse pick up, recycling pick up, bus service, road repaving, city parks, regular police monitoring, and facilities maintenance (e.g., repairs to potholes, streetlights, traffic signs, or sidewalks; tree trimming; sidewalk landscaping or flood control systems).

SIBA’s second argument is that its members deserve special consideration in order for them to recover the cost of the infrastructure improvements required by the original master lease with the state. The improvements, which were completed in the 1990s, were described in testimony submitted in favor of an earlier City Council resolution (Res. 20-14) calling for the Caldwell administration to provide real property tax relief to SIBA and its members.

Due to the negative elevation, the entire industrial park had to be built-up 3 to 4 feet, in order to avoid flooding and remedy the drainage and sewer back-ups. The infrastructure improvements for Sand Island Industrial Park are completed. According to prelliminary plans and specifications as depicted upon the site and utility plan that was prepared by Community Planning, Inc. (dated September 3, 1992) the infrastructure improvements include, but are not limited to: County standard, asphalt paved roadways; concrete curbs, gutters and sidewalks; underground electricity and phone services; public sewer and a waste water pumping station; water; fire hydrants; street lights; front yard planting strips between curb and sidewalk improved with trees and ground cover and an interior drainage system capable of providing adequate drainage for all lots within the subdivision.

Again, several SIBA member businesses submitted similar testimony on Res. 20-14:

Although the infrastructure improvements have been completed and the special assessments charged to each tenant have been paid, we have had difficulty in marketing our respective sub-leasehold interests at prices that would allow us to recover our significant contributions to the improvement assessments, especially with the increasing real property taxes. This has negatively impacted the marketability of our sublease.

Despite opposition from the Caldwell administration, which estimated it would result in at least an $8 reduction in property tax revenue, the resolution passed the council by a unanimous vote at its regular meeting on February 19, 2020. Only one member, Brandon Elefante, supported the measure “with reservations”. Minutes show Elefante argued the appropriate way to address the issues raised would be through the city’s existing real property tax appeal process.

SIBA did file appeals of the real property assessments of its more than 100 subleased properties in state tax court on January 15, 2019. Those appeals were consolidated into case number 1TX19-1-0051, and court records continue to show the appeal as pending.

The city council has so far backed the idea of providing property tax relief, although SIBA’s positions are fundamentally flawed.

As early as 1992, while SIBA and the state were still trying to finalize the master lease, some officials were already saying the deal was overly generous.

I remember because I wrote about it during my first year as an investigative reporter for the old Honolulu Star-Bulletin.

Here’s an excerpt from my September 16, 1993 Star-Bulletin story, which adds necessary details apparently not considered by the council.

Although the state is requiring tenants to pay for improvements, including new roads, sewers and underground utilities, a variety of state subsidies worth tens of millions of dollars makes the project attractive.

For example, the state agreed to heavily discounted lease rents for the first 25 years of the 55-year master lease, providing more than $13 million in savings during the first five years alone.

The Legislature alloted more than $6 million to upgrade Sand Island Access Road and authorized the state to issue $25 million in tax-exempt bonds so that the Sand Island Business Association can repay construction costs at lower interest rates.

Board of Land and Natural Resources Chairman Keith Ahue told legislators earlier this year that the association was being offered too much state aid. Ahue told legislators that the agency had already taken the construction costs into account, resulting in the “very favorable lease rent.”

“We do not believe it would be appropriate for any private entity to benefit from favorable lease rents and the low-interest rates that this bond issue would allow,” he testified.

Earlier, during an April 1992 meeting, Land Board member T.C. Yim also said the state might be giving the Sand Island group too much. “What they’re receiving is very, very generous.”

In retrospect, the 25 years of discounted less rent appeared no less generous, according to a staff submittal to the Board of Land and Natural Resources in 2013.

According to the staff report, a 2012 appraisal found the fair market annual rent for the SIBA lands at that time was $8,250,100, but SIBA was paying an annual lease rent of only $4,908,284, more than $3.3 million annually below the fair market rent.

Further, Department of Land and Natural Resources staff “determined that even with SIBA paying for the infrastructure (via repayment of the infrastructure loan), and adding to that cost the management fee for the park, and the discounted rent, the total paid by SIBA over the first 25 years of the lease is significantly less than the fair-market rental for the same period,” according to a staff submittal to the land board in January 2013.

So it is true that those with SIBA subleases were required to pay assessments for the infrastructure development, but those investments were more than offset by below fair-market lease rents over a 25-year period. Further tax relief based on the need to offset those investments would amount to double dipping at the public’s expense.

And there’s more. According to a footnote in the 2013 DLNR staff submittal:

The lease requires SIBA to build the infrastructure to City and County standards and to dedicate the same to the City and County. SIBA has neglected to satisfy this requirement and has requested the waiver of the requirement. To date, the infrastructure remains undedicated and staff is concerned that SIBA’s failure to dedicate the infrastructure adversely affects the property.

This directly undermines SIBA’s case for tax relief. While SIBA complains about the lack of certain city services, including road repaving and maintenance of roadways and other facilities, the absence of these services appears to be the direct result of SIBA’s failure to dedicate the upgraded infrastructure to the city, as required by its master lease.

And what accounts for SIBA’s success in obtaining such generous terms from the state?

One factor in SIBA’s early success was the political clout gained from substantial campaign contributions by directors and member companies.

This graphic accompanied the 1993 story.

Then-Senator Milton Holt received over $117,000 in campaign contributions from SIBA-related individuals and businesses between 1987 and 1992. At the time, Holt was a rising political star and considered a top contender to take over as Senate President. Holt was credited with sponsoring the bill establishing the Sand Island Industrial Park and managing its passage. The SIBA property was within his Kalihi district, and as the deal was being negotiated with the state, Holt was chair of the Planning, Land and Water Use Management committee, and became Senate vice-president in 1993.

Today, nearly 30 years later, Holt is executive director of SIBA at a reported annual salary of $100,000.

At first glance, SIBA-related campaign contributions don’t appear to be as extensive as they were in the early 1990s. However, a quick review of campaign spending records shows members of the SIBA board of directors contributed a total of $20,000 to Rick Blangiardi’s successful campaign for mayor on the same day, March 26, 2020, and a similar amount to Calvin Say’s successful city council campaign on October 16, 2020.

Neither candidate reported holding a campaign fundraising event on those respective dates.

Although the bill has been “postponed” for now, it can be put in play at any time at the discretion of the council’s budget committee chair, Calvin Say.

State of the State

On the fourth Monday of January, the governor gave annual his State of the State speech, laying out his ideas on bolstering the economy and the need to building the state’s broadband infrastructure and digital resources.

No, I wasn’t referring to Gov. David Ige’s speech this week. I was looking at a news clipping about Gov. Neil Abercrombie’s first State of the State in January 2011. The main difference, apart from Ige’s necessary response to the Covid-19 pandemic, is that Abercrombie included more detailed proposals. Some proved to be extremely unpopular, but they were spelled out to see and evaluate.

Then there’s Gov. Ige’s centerpiece, Hawaii 2.0.

That’s why, in the wake of the pandemic, I am calling for the creation of a program of action to not just reboot but to upgrade our economy. To create a Hawai?i 2.0, if you will.

I have asked Senate President Kouchi and Speaker Saiki to work with me, as well as business, labor and community leaders, to develop this program of action for Hawai?i’s future.

I have reached out to the Hawai?i Business Roundtable, the Hawai?i Executive Conference, the Chamber of Commerce of Hawaii, and the Hawai?i Community Foundation to convene stakeholders and communities from across the state.

I have also sought the counsel of governors Ariyoshi, Waihee, Cayetano, Lingle and Abercrombie for their thoughts on economic recovery. I have asked all of them for recommendations by April, which will be folded into specific actions by the third quarter of this year.

Perhaps that sounds familiar. It did to me. For good reason.

Back in May 2020, Governor Ige “issued a proclamation today announcing the appointment of veteran business executive and community leader Alan M. Oshima to lead Hawai?i’s efforts to develop and implement a plan for economic and community stabilization, recovery and resiliency.”

This project was, we were told, going to bring together all the stakeholders to drive plans forward for a revitalized state economy. Right. Sort of a reboot. Like the Hawaii 2.0 idea.

Does it seem like we’re spinning our wheels?

High tech. Hawaii as a Pacific center, a Geneva of the Pacific. Diversified agriculture (Kohala Task Force, anyone?). Medical tourism. We’ve had no shortage of ideas that sounded good and quickly got bogged down, either mired in the real constraints imposed by of our mid-Pacific location and small population, or bogged down by cronyism, or highjacked by political considerations.

But we don’t evaluate well. Our state and local governments are reluctant to accept criticism, so have trouble learning from past failures. We get lulled by the rosy pictures painted by self-interested consultants advising on new initiatives, but when things don’t go as planned, we haven’t had the will to double back, determine what went wrong, and do things differently the next time around.

Maybe I’m just in a crummy mood, but this governor’s annual review doesn’t give me any hope that things are going to be different this time around.

Kamaaina Termite sued for nonpayment of lease rent for Queen Street parking

In 2017, Mike Miske’s Kamaaina Termite and Pest Control, Inc. entered into two leases with Kakaako Land Company LLC for use of a total of 19 parking stalls fronting their offices at 940 Queen Street. One lease went into effect on Jun 1, 2017, and the second on July 1. Both leases were signed by Michael Worden, who identified himself as the Kamaaina’s general manager.

The company agreed to pay a total of $2,000 per month in lease rent, with a 3% increase annually.

But Kamaaina Termite stopped paying all or part of the monthly lease rent last year, according to a lawsuit filed against the company in July 2020. In its court filing, Kakaako Land Company says it was owed $32,626.58 as of July 31, 2020. The case was filed by attorney Jonathan L. Ortiz on behalf of Kakaako Land Company.

The lawsuit was filed on July 10, 2020, just days before Miske and ten co-defendants were arrested and charged in a major federal racketeering indictment. Kamaaina Termite was raided and closed down by federal agents, who seized its business records as evidence. A summons dated July 14, the day of the indictment and FBI raids, was never served, according to court records. Kamaaina Termite’s office is now closed, and the business is shut down.

The alleged nonpayment of lease rent is the first indication Miske’s businesses might have been in financial trouble for some time as the federal investigation heated up and closed in on him.

Outstanding amounts, according to the lawsuit:

Read the court complaint here.