Category Archives: Media

Harnessing Google’s AI to tease out insights from my Miske files

I’ve been fiddling around with a couple of AI tools to see what they can contribute.

One of these is Google’s NotebookLM (as in Language Model) which utilizes Google’s Gemini AI to process large amounts of information. I’ve written about NotebookLM here before, and stop now and then to see what it can do to assist me.

Here’s one example. My latest experiment was to copy almost everything I’ve written about Miske at Civil Beat into a new Google notebook, and ended with 83 source files. I was searching for and transferring the files manually, so the collection may not be complete.

Then I asked Google what accounted for Miske’s ability to operate his criminal enterprise for so long.

This was Google’s answer. It did a decent job of pointing out structural areas of concern. This could be treated as an outline or starting point for a fuller discussion of these factors.

Michael J. Miske Jr.’s longevity as an alleged crime leader, spanning at least two decades, was reportedly facilitated by a combination of systemic factors, including his sophisticated use of legitimate businesses as fronts, alleged corruption or inaction within local law enforcement and city agencies, his reputation for and strategic use of violence and intimidation, and his methods of financial concealment and exploitation of regulatory weaknesses.

Key systemic factors identified in the sources include:

Use of Legitimate Businesses as Facades Miske allegedly controlled a network of seemingly legitimate businesses, such as Kamaaina Termite and Pest Control, M Nightclub (and its successor Encore), Kamaaina Plumbing, Hawaii Partners LLC (a used car dealership), Kamaaina Holdings LLC (which owned a fishing vessel), and Makana Pacific Development LLC. These businesses were reportedly used as a “home base and a facade” for criminal activities, including planning crimes, money laundering, and fraudulently employing individuals whose “work” involved acts of violence or fraud for the “Miske Enterprise”. Miske allegedly transferred nominal control of several companies to his daughter-in-law, Delia-Anne Fabro-Miske, or used business partners like Jason Yokoyama as figureheads to conceal his true ownership and control, especially given his felony record which restricted his ability to hold certain licenses.

Alleged Corruption and Inaction by Law Enforcement and City Officials Miske’s ability to operate for so long reportedly stemmed from his “clout” and “apparent special relationship with the office Honolulu’s city prosecutor and the Honolulu Police Department”.

Intervention in Cases: Former Honolulu Deputy Prosecutor Katherine Kealoha and then-Police Chief Louis Kealoha were implicated in allegedly intervening on Miske’s behalf. For instance, Katherine Kealoha reportedly told an HPD officer to drop efforts to locate Miske for a traffic citation, falsely claiming he was “assisting the Prosecutor’s Office with an ongoing investigation”. Miske himself allegedly threatened an officer, stating, “I can go to the top of the food chain, You’ll see, Jared Spiker,” implying his influence over high-ranking officials.

“Off-the-Books” Coordination: An HPD sergeant, Al Lee, cooperated “off the books” with the FBI regarding Miske’s arrest due to suspicions of corruption within HPD itself.

Ignoring Regulatory Violations: Miske allegedly got his way with the city regarding permits, such as stringing lights on a public tree without proper authorization and refusing to remove them, leading the Parks Department to seek guidance from the mayor’s office rather than enforce rules. His businesses reportedly submitted fraudulent paperwork to regulators for years, with “overworked public employees rarely flagged problems or referred them for action”.

Use of Violence, Intimidation, and Reputation The “Miske Enterprise” allegedly maintained its power and protected its profits through violence, intimidation, and threats.

“Muscle” and “Shooters”: Miske recruited individuals like Jacob “Jake” Smith, a skilled martial artist, to provide “strong-arm services,” commit assaults, and even participate in murder-for-hire plots, often paying them for these “jobs”. These violent acts contributed to the enterprise’s “reputation for violence”.

Deterring Competition: Miske allegedly used threats and intimidation to discourage rival bidders at used car auctions.

Protection for Associates: Members of the Miske Enterprise, such as Hunter Wilson, felt “assisted and emboldened by being a member of the Miske Enterprise” and believed “nobody would mess with them” because they were part of Miske’s group. Harry Kauhi also admitted benefiting from the “protection the enterprise afforded” his drug activities.

Financial Concealment and Fraudulent Practices Miske’s enterprise allegedly engaged in various financial crimes to obscure illicit gains and evade taxes.

Skimming and Tax Fraud: Miske and associates like Jason Yokoyama allegedly “regularly and corruptly skimmed funds” from M Nightclub, underreporting income to the IRS and resulting in significant tax loss. Miske’s accountant, Tricia Ann Castro, pleaded guilty to preparing false tax returns for Miske, his companies, and associates, and using “materially false documents” for loan applications. Miske’s personal expenses, including an “$11.5 million renovation to Miske’s personal residence,” were allegedly expensed as business costs.

Structuring Transactions: Miske and his associates engaged in “structuring” bank transactions, breaking large sums into amounts under the $10,000 reporting threshold, which is evidence of money laundering.

Benefit Fraud: Delia Fabro-Miske admitted to wire fraud by failing to report significant income to the Social Security Administration to continue receiving full survivor benefits after Caleb Miske’s death.

Exploitation of Regulatory Weaknesses Miske allegedly exploited lax oversight and specific regulations.

Pest Control Licensing Fraud: Kamaaina Termite and Oahu Termite allegedly obtained and maintained their pest control licenses by submitting “phony company documents” and falsely claiming a qualified “Responsible Managing Employee” (RME) held majority ownership, when Miske actually owned 100%.

Chemical Misuse: Skipping the use of chloropicrin (a warning agent) in fumigation, ostensibly to do more jobs faster, also created an unregulated supply of the chemical that was later allegedly used in chemical attacks on rival nightclubs. Unlicensed employees were also used for fumigation jobs.

Liquor and Auto Dealer Licensing: Similar to the pest control licenses, Miske circumvented regulations for his M Nightclub’s liquor license and Hawaii Partners LLC’s motor vehicle dealer license by using associates as front owners and falsely reporting no felony convictions among key personnel.

One external comment in the sources also suggests that the “absence of serious gangland competition” in Honolulu might have allowed such a group to “survive and prosper,” implying a less competitive criminal environment contributed to their ability to operate without significant challenges from rivals.

I’ll try to remember to come back and share some of the problems I found in working with NotebookLM in its current form.

Reposted on Civil Beat

Civil Beat picked up yesterday’s entry and reposted it this morning with a few slight edits (“Judge Rules Miske’s Mother Can’t Represent Granddaughter’s Interests“).

CB also added two photos shared by one of Miske’s cousins on the Miske side of the family. One of the photos displays a large tattoo on Miske’s right arm of his late son, Caleb, who died in 2016. Also included is the judge’s order denying the motion to appoint Miske’s mother, Maydeen Stancil, as guardian to represent his granddaughter, who is the primary beneficiary of the trust.

In any case, you might want to check out the photos and the court’s order.

John Oliver on the great debate over trans athletes

Oliver devoted this entire 42-minute episode of “Last Week Tonight” to digging into the issue of trans athletes in women’s sports.

Beyond his jokes, Oliver and his staff did a lot of digging into some of the most highly publicized examples that have fueled the public outcry, and the data that Oliver cites just don’t support the hysteria and the rush to anti-trans legislation.

I’m going to see if there’s a transcript available, which would lend itself to some bullet points highlighting the main points in this episode.

Judge orders the White House to immediate restore access for Associate Press reporters

Federal Judge Trevor McFadden issued an order on Tuesday granting a preliminary injunction and ordering the White House to immediately rescind its denial of access to press events by Associated Press reporters.

About two months ago, President Donald Trump renamed the Gulf of Mexico the Gulf of America. The Associated Press did not follow suit. For that editorial choice, the White House sharply curtailed the AP’s access to coveted, tightly controlled media events with the President. The AP now sues the White House chief of staff, her communications deputy, and the press secretary (collectively, “the Government”), seeking a preliminary injunction enjoining the Government from excluding it because of its viewpoint.

Today, the Court grants that relief.

…the Court simply holds that under the First Amendment, if the Government opens its doors to some journalists—be it to the Oval Office, the East Room, or elsewhere—it cannot then shut those doors to other journalists because of their viewpoints. The Constitution requires no less.”

McFadden was nominated to the District Court for the District of Columbia in 2017 by President Trump during his first term in office.

Judge McFadden found strong legal precedent for the view that access restrictions must be reasonable and not viewpoint based.

“So while the AP does not have a constitutional right to enter the Oval Office, it does have a right to not be excluded because of its
viewpoint. And the AP says that is exactly what is happening,” the order found.

The judge’s order requires the defendants to “immediately rescind the denial of the AP’s access to the Oval Office, Air Force One, and other limited spaces based on the AP’s viewpoint when such spaces are made open to other members of the White House press pool,” as well as to events that are open to “all credentialed White House journalists.”

The full 41-page order follows. It is definitely worth at least skimming the sections on the history of the First Amendment and freedom of the press, as well as the discussion of how the White House press corps works.

Order for Preliminary Injunction, Associated Press v. Taylor Budowich by Ian Lind